Now, however, Mr Orban may finally have gone too far. The vitriol and scale of the campaign shocked the EPP. Mr Weber has sharpened his language, on March 5th threatening Fidesz with expulsion unless it stops the posters, apologises and lets the CEU remain in Budapest. None of these is likely to happen. As a compromise, the two might back the temporary suspension of Fidesz. That would be grossly inadequate. The case for expelling Fidesz is overwhelming. Expulsion, it is true, might prompt Fidesz to set up a new group of hard-right European parties, or more probably to join one of the two existing ones.
But it would pay a price in influence and domestic credibility. Moreover, the EPP could then admit a more moderate Hungarian party in its place: the liberal-conservative Modern Hungary Movement, for example. The case against expelling Fidesz rests on the claim that the EPP encompasses different sorts of European parties: from liberal western ones to more conservative post-communist ones, including those in countries where democratic and pluralist norms are not as firmly rooted.
This is a worthy ambition. But Hungary is not Fidesz. And just as the bright modernity of the party in obscured some of the darker traits of Hungarian society which Mr Orban has since harnessed and indulged , so the party today obscures the better traits. The job of a big-tent, supposedly moderate party family is to nurture those better traits, not to give up on them in the name of inclusivity.
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Popular Alternative Alternativa Popolare. Union of the Centre Unione di Centro. Populars for Italy Popolari per l'Italia. Nationalist Party Partit Nazzjonalista. Civic Platform Platforma Obywatelska. Opposition Government Support. To this contribute decisively Pierre Laurent and Maite Mola. Maite is able to dedicate full time to the tasks of the ELP. The improving process of defining the ELP thorough alternative has been developed from the very beginning. Thus it already arises in the I Congress of Athens in by the President of Synaspismos, Alecos Alavanos, in its closing conference, explains that the ELP contains a specific point of intervention to boost economic development in order to create employment through a special Solidarity Fund.
Groups are ready, EU Parliament is ready to play
This idea is emerging on the ELP with the passage of the years. In addition, from the very onset of the economic and finance global crisis in , we alert about the catastrophic effects of the stability programmes. These caused growth of public debt and increase of unemployment. The growing rejection of European society leads to a rift with the idea of European Union and the development of populist, xenophobic and nationalistic attitudes. In the referenda in France and the Netherlands on the Constitutional Treaty resulted in a NO expressed by both peoples because of its neoliberal content.
That meant the burial of it and obliged the EU to put in place the Lisbon Treaty of As Greece was the country most affected by both phenomena, the crisis and the measures of the Troika, and also happened to be the only country with a three-party government with right wing New Democracy and Social Democrats, Pasok , Syriza became the only alterative opposed to corruption and the Troika.
The ELP was aware of this opportunity and boosted the trajectory of Syriza, with the prospect of starting a new stage in which ELP parties could have similar possibilities in other southern European countries, like Portugal, Spain, Italy, etc.. By this way it could be forced a new political structure of the EU, changing the Lisbon Treaty and its institutions.
The challenge of Syriza is very important. In the first place has to rescue people from both, crisis and Troika.
But also in second place it has to convince parties and peoples from Europeans countries suffering similar conditions that it is worthwhile the proposals the ELP offers. Hence the need it has the ELP to clarify its future strategy in order to contribute to a new stage. October elections in Portugal showed how the right could not form a government and on the contrary the Socialist Party did it conditioned by the help of the CPP and the Left Bloc.
The compromise was to limit the austerity policies imposed by the Troika. In this sense, the socialist president of Italy, Matteo Renzi, is also criticizing the austerity policy as detrimental coinciding with the views expressed by the ELP. There are two main issues to consider at this juncture for the debate of the Congress of ELP in Berlin in December On the one hand the role of the European Parliament as a theoretical depositary of European popular sovereignty, democracy, and on the other the need to replace the Lisbon Treaty by a new one in which the ELP could offer the crucial cues.
In a context of looming stagnation and even worse, possible worsening of the economic crisis, with populist and xenophobic temptations of renationalisation arising everywhere, the whole structure and functioning of the EU should be the main question to solve. We need more democracy in the EU. In order to define an alternative architectural to the EU it has to follow, according to the present procedure, through the intergovernmental route, hoping to get the support of some other EU governments with ELP presence.